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Deportes / Rehabilitando la dictadura

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Rehabilitando la dictadura

Publicado 2011/05/04 16:04:59
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12-05-2006

ID DOC: 63936
FECHA: 0000-00-00 00:00:00
FUENTE: Embassy Panama
PRIVACIDAD: CONFIDENTIAL
REFERENCIA: VZCZCXYZ0010RR RUEHWEBDE RUEHZP #0951 1382126ZNR UUUUU ZZHR 182126Z MAY 06FM AMEMBASSY PANAMATO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 8086INFO RUEHZA/WHA CENTRAL AMERICAN COLLECTIVERUEKJCS/OSD WASHDCRHMFISS/JOINT STAFF WASHINGTON DCRUEAIIA/CIA WASHDCRHEFDIA/D


C O N F I D E N T I A L PANAMA 000919



SIPDIS



SIPDIS



DEPARTMENT FOR WHA/CEN

SOUTHCOM ALSO FOR POLAD



E.O. 12958: DECL: 05/12/2016

TAGS: PGOV, PREL, PINR, PM, VE, CU

SUBJECT: PANAMA: REHABILITATING THE DICTATORSHIP



REF: A. PANAMA 0824

B. 04 PANAMA 0896

C. 05 PANAMA 1729



Classified By: AMBASSADOR WILLIAM EATON FOR REASONS 1.4 (B) AND (D).



SUMMARY AND ANALYSIS

--------------------

1. (C) A joke making the rounds in Panama is that the only

ex-Panamanian Defense Force (PDF) officer who hasn't found a

job in the Torrijos government is Manuel Noriega. The

late-April elevation of former Dignity Battalions chief

Benjamin Colamarco to the cabinet as Minister of Public Works

is why the joke bites. (See Reftel A, "President Torrijos

Shakes Up Cabinet.") According to one estimate, some 40

former PDF officers are working for the GOP, not counting

many civilians with close ties to Noriega, some of them

convicted criminals like Colamarco.



2. (C) The growing prominence of former Noriega cronies in

the GOP -- and that includes national assemblyman Pedro

Miguel Gonzalez, presumed killer in 1992 of U.S. service

member Zak Hernandez -- is more of a threat to Panama's

democratic credibility through flourishing corruption,

non-transparent practices, intolerance to criticism, and

stifling the media than through any potential overt attack on

the state. No one (so far as we know) is plotting the

dictatorship's return. And it is true that, after the

1999-2004 Moscoso government, no one can accuse former

Noriegistas of cornering the market in corrupt practices or

press manipulation. The 21-year dictatorship was the most

corrupt era in Panama's history.



3. (C) Meanwhile, the silence in Panama that has greeted the

step-by-step rehabilitation of the dictatorship -- from the

so-called opposition parties or from civil society -- is

deafening. Even those who stridently opposed Noriega during

the 1980s, such as Roberto Eisenmann of La Prensa, are not

excited. Eisenmann told the Ambassador that he perceives no

"left-ward lurch," that Colamarco has paid his debt to

society and has proven competence, and that Panama is a small

society with limited experienced personnel.



4. (C) Martin Torrijos himself was close enough to the

action during the Noriega years to be subjected to

allegations of involvement in a 1985 Noriega-linked,

drug-related kidnapping, which he prevented from appearing in

the press just days before the 2004 election. (See Reftel B

-- "Torrijos Team Stifles Election Eve Bombshell.") Could it

be a coincidence that in 2005 Torrijos appointed the

kidnapper's wife, Lorena Rodriguez de Mata, as Consul General

in Hamburg?



5. (C) Colamarco's elevation is one more reason to be

disillusioned with the idealism and promise for reform that

greeted the 2004 Torrijos election victory. Instead, the GOP

more and more looks like a continuation of Noriega's

government, sans Noriega. How much does that matter? The

USG may be concerned that the growing ranks of Noriega

supporters within the GOP, with their proven authoritarian

affinities and record of disregard for press freedoms and

human rights, may be less friendly toward the United States

and more open to regional autocrats, like Castro and Chavez,

than proven democrats. Also, it is possible that public

opinion will turn against Torrijos and focus on a "no" vote

in the upcoming Canal widening referendum. (See Reftel C,

"Panamanian Insiders accuse Torrijos Government of Poor

Planning and Public Relations, Procrastination and Bad

Political Judgement." End Summary and Analysis.



Rehabilitating the Dictatorship

-------------------------------

6. (C) With the naming of Benjamin Colamarco as Public Works

minister, the ruling Democratic Revolutionary Party's (PRD)

links to its past as the political vehicle for Panama's

1968-1989 military dictatorship now are in full view. Since

taking office in 2004, President Torrijos has done many

favors for Noriega-era PRD "dinosaurs" and has placed many of

them -- including Noriega's immediate family -- in positions

of power and influence in his government. Nonetheless,

Torrijos has publicly stated that Manuel Noriega, who faces

several 20-year sentences for numerous past offenses, will be

jailed whenever he returns to Panama following his planned

release from U.S. custody in November 2007.



Who is Benjamin Colamarco?

--------------------------

7. (C) Benjamin Colamarco, who now controls a $235 million

public works budget, was commander of Dignity Battalions

(DB), which Noriega created in 1988. The DB functioned as

Manuel Noriega's private army, essentially a goon squad,

whose job was to intimidate and terrorize the citizenry

through torture and murder. Elements of the DB fought U.S.

forces during the 12-20-1989 Just Cause invasion that

overthrew the Noriega regime and restored democracy to

Panama. (Note: The GOP gave the Embassy no notice or warning

of its planned cabinet changes. End Note.)



8. (C) Colamarco served nearly four years in prison

(1990-1993) for "assaults against State personnel." Torrijos

named Colamarco "coordinator of the popular masses" in 2000.

During Fidel Castro's visit to Panama in 2001, Colamarco

attended a university event to honor the Cuban dictator with

pro-Cuba SUNTRACS labor union leaders Genaro Lopez and Saul

Mendez. In the present GOP, Colamarco served as land

registry chief within the Ministry of Economy and Finance

(2004-2006). On the eve of President Bush's arrival in

Panama in November 2005, Colamarco publicly criticized the

Iraq invasion, which he called "a violation of international

law," embarrassing Torrijos and VP/Foreign Minister Samuel

Lewis. Colamarco also was the driving force behind a

late-2005 draft law that aimed to remove property rights

currently held by hundreds of foreigners -- including

American citizens -- notably in Bocas del Toro. (Embassy

advocacy led the GOP to amend the law's more troublesome

provisions.)



9. (SBU) Colamarco's wife, Marta Amado, sister of Noriega's

mistress, the notorious Vicky Amado, currently is Panama's

Postal Director.



Hector and Balbina

------------------

10. (C) Perhaps the best known of Torrijos's Noriega-era

appointments are Hector Aleman, who recently resigned from

his post as Minister of Government and Justice, and Housing

Minister Balbina Herrera. Both currently are members of the

PRD leadership. Both have "reinvented" themselves and have

shown that they are willing and able to cooperate with U.S.

officials. In the late 1980s, Aleman was the pro-Noriega

leader of FENASEP, the public employees union. Mayor of San

Miguelito and PRD firebrand in the late 1980s, later elected

to the National Assembly, Balbina is famous for starting a

public brawl that forced the cancellation of President Bush's

sole public appearance during his 1992 visit to in Panama.



Pedro Miguel Gonzalez: Wanted For Murder

----------------------------------------

11. (C) The Torrijos government has given privileged access

to funds and favors to Pedro Miguel Gonzalez, the presumed

murderer of U.S. Army Sgt. Zak Hernandez in 1992. According

to Panamenista legislator Luis Cleghorn, Pedro Miguel's

requests for his community (district 8-10, Panama's largest)

gets special treatment from the public works and housing

ministries and from FIS, the president's social investment

fund. (Comment: FIS in effect is an official presidential

slush fund with a corrupt reputation. End Comment.) The GOP

is careful to invite Gonzalez to virtually every GOP event.

Also, according to Embassy sources, the GOP is about to ask

the National Assembly's Canal affairs committee (chaired by

PRD moderate Tomas Altamirano) to create a sub-committee to

follow the Canal expansion project which will allegedly be

chaired by Pedro Miguel Gonzalez. The action would be taken

as a nod to the PRD's leftist "Tendencia" faction. It would

also, one assumes, open up possibilities for graft on Canal

contracts



Warning Given to Torrijos

-------------------------

12. (C) In 2001, the Embassy political section demarched

Torrijos as Secretary General of the PRD about his perceived

close ties (they had appeared together in news photos and

appeared to be the best of friends) and frequent meetings

with Gonzalez. The section chief reminded Torrijos that

Gonzalez was a wanted man in the United States. Torrijos

replied that the Embassy should not worry about him,

Torrijos, as he was pro-American. But he added that the

Embassy would have to understand that Pedro Miguel's father,

Gerardo, was important in the PRD (he had been party

president), and that Torrijos had to act out of respect to

the Gonzalez-Vernaza family, which came from Veraguas, where

his father, Omar was from.



Sandra and Thays Noriega

------------------------

13. (C) In 2004 President Torrijos appointed Noriega's

daughter, Sandra, as consul at the Panamanian Embassy to the

Dominican Republic, where Torrijos is known to have business

interests. Torrijos also appointed Sandra's younger sister,

Thays, as foreign service third secretary, who failed the

entrance exam (although she had the highest score of her

group). When asked to comment on Sandra's and other

Noriega-era appointments, former GOP Secretary of Plans,

Ibrahim Asvat said, ambiguously, "They just don't perceive

they are doing something that might turn off the electorate."

In 2004, Asvat had characterized Sandra's appointment as the

action of "a government of rookies."



A Long Cast of Characters

-------------------------

14. (C) In 2005 Torrijos pardoned Juan Barria Jimenez,

murderer of U.S. citizen Raymond Dragseth and Embassy Panama

FSN Fernando Brathwaite during Operation Just Cause on

December 20, 1989, after serving 15 years of a 20-year

sentence.



(SBU) Elias Castillo, who served one year (1990-1991) for

embezzlement during his term as Noriega-era treasurer of

Panama's City Hall, is currently National Assembly president,

with approval from Torrijos.



(U) Jorge Ritter, Noriega's foreign minister, is a

presidential advisor and speech writer.



(SBU) Daniel Delgado, a former PDF colonel, intelligence

staff officer, and close military collaborator with Omar

Torrijos and Manuel Noriega, is Director of Customs, rumored

to be in line for Deputy Minister of Government and Justice.



(SBU) Aristides Royo, a Panamanian president hand-picked by

the military without having to bother with messy elections,

now is Panama's ambassador at the OAS.



(SBU) Orville Gooding, Noriega's Finance and Economy

Minister, in whose office the U.S. military found millions of

dollars in cash, now is a Torrijos economic advisor.



(U) Francisco "Pancho" Rodriguez, Noriega's final hand-picked

president, whom Noriega placed in office after annulling

Guillermo Endara's 1989 election victory prior to Just Cause,

is also a Torrijos economic advisor.



(U) Former PDF Major Severino Mejia, a former Noriega

aide-de-camp, is advisor to the Minister of Government and

Justice.



Comment

-------

15. (C) In a sense, the Torrijos government's choice of

personnel exemplifies "the PRD being the PRD." Former PRD

President Ernesto Perez Balladares (1994-1999) had forced the

entire Noriega crowd below decks. By appointing them to

positions of power, Torrijos hopes to gain political

advantage over PB within the PRD. The Embassy is watching

the GOP's conduct carefully to judge whether the new

appointments and changes in ideological coloration also

signal a change in political direction or foreign policy.



EATON

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